But that is a mere illusion. For one, the Palestinians will NEVER leave on their own. The silly "Voluntary Removal" that the Zionist terrorists in power (Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir, Smotrich...) promote will not happen. So there is only one solution to the Jewish-only Israeli conundrum that remains on the table is EXPULSION, a pure and simple ethnic cleansing on a gigantic scale.
One can also envision in-between solutions. For example, the Zionists could annex the West Bank and Gaza and absorb it into Israel, but only if they manage to "reduce" the overall Palestinian population (Israel's own Palestinian citizens plus those of the West Bank and Gaza) to a level of a manageable minority. But that is also extremely difficult to accomplish and requires several generations of mayhem, killings, uprootings, home and village demolitions, etc.
Right now, there are, about 6 million Palestinians between Gaza and the West Bank, and about 6 million citizens in Israel, 17% of whom are Palestinian Israeli citizens (those who stayed and did not flee the Zionist terror of the 1940s). Seventeen percent of 6 million is 1 million. If the Zionists manage to cull the Palestinian populations of the West Bank and Gaza by half (i.e. by somehow make 3 million Palestinians disappear), an expanded Israel would include these 3 million new Palestinian Israeli citizens and the 1 million already there, for a total of 4 million Palestinian citizens next to the 5 million Jewish citizens. That is not such a compelling Jewish majority.
But if Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich's ethnic cleansing does not eliminate the 3 million Palestinians we assumed in our above argument, then an expanded Israel that includes the current Israeli territory and the West Bank and Gaza would have 5 million Jews next to 1 million current Palestinian Israelis plus the new 6 millions from Gaza and the West Bank, i.e. 7 million Palestinian Israelis and 5 million Jewish Israelis. A worse case for a Jewish-only Israel, since there will be a more compelling Palestinian majority for a one binational state.
Therefore, the current Zionist ethnic cleansing and genocide of Palestinians is a far-fetched illusory ambition UNLESS the Zionists manage to cull or deport or evict or displace the entire Palestinian population out of the country and out of occupied Palestine. An unlikely scenario since it would be tantamount to a worst Holocaust than the one perpetrated by the Germans and their European allies during WWI against their Jewish populations.
Bottom line: This is the standard scenario of any colonial invasion and occupation in which the invader does not have the demographic advantage over the invaded and colonized indigenous population. Sooner or later, the colonizing invader will fall under its own demographic weakness vis-a-vis the indigenous people. It happened in most historic invasions and colonizations: Babylonians, Assyrians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Crusaders, Moors (in Spain), Turkish ottoman empire, British, French, Ducth, Spanish.... all of them ended up losing and retreating. There are a few successful ones, like the Central Asians (Turks) who invaded and overwhelmed the Greco-Roman Byzantines and have taken permanent control of the current state of Turkiye.
As the article below discusses, if the two-state solution is dying or has died, what are the Israelis going to do with a Palestinian population it seeks to control despite that population's demographic advantage? A Palestinian leader below says he may accept a one-state solution, on condition that Palestinians have the same exact rights as Jews in a bi-national state like Canada, Belgium, Lebanon etc. Will the Jewish Israelis agree to cede governance to a majority Palestinian population? Given the racism and supremacy embedded in the Jewish Zionist narrative, this is also highly unlikely.
Can someone please ask Zionist leaders what their plans for the Palestinian majority are?
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We’re ready to ditch two-state solution, says Arab-Israeli election kingmaker
Henry Bodkin
Sun, October 18, 2026
The West Bank has nearly 600,000 Israelis after decades of settlement - Getty Images/ZAIN JAAFAR
Yousef Jabareen has the air of a man who knows exactly what he wants, yet does not quite know where he is.
He arrives in the modish Arab restaurant in Haifa 35 minutes late, speaking quickly and quietly into his phone, before sitting down with a sigh and gesturing for coffee.
He has just driven the width of northern Israel, he explains, having stopped for a pre-breakfast interview with local media in Nazareth en route.
After speaking to The Telegraph, he will record a podcast, "somewhere else, I'm not sure where", then it's on to an open-air public meeting near his home town of Umm al-Fahm, next to the West Bank, followed by two weddings in the evening.
"I like weddings," he says with the faintest of smiles. "They are not formal campaign events. But look ... it's an election. You can reach so many people."
Such is the hectic daily schedule of one of Israel's most prominent Arab politicians in the run-up to arguably the most consequential general election in a generation.
A legal scholar who trained and lectured in the US, Mr Jabareen is head of the Joint List, one of two formal groupings of Arab-Israeli parties standing on Oct 27.
Yousef Jabareen at a Hebrew campaign launch event in Tel Aviv - Eyal Warshavsky for The Telegraph
The 54-year-old could well hold Israel's future in his hands, despite hailing from a community which, in his view, has never been so marginalised by the state.
Mr Jabareen could find himself kingmaker because polls predict that neither Benjamin Netanyahu's governing coalition nor the opposition bloc will win a majority in the Knesset.
"We feel we have a lot of power here, an influential power," Mr Jabareen says.
It is a power he intends to wield to push bread-and-butter issues for his community, but also far broader questions such as the establishment of a future Palestinian state, whether independent of Israel or not.
In an interview, Mr Jabareen said the Palestinian people were not wedded to a two-state solution and would accept full Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank if they received full voting rights in return.
He said the West Bank could function like Belgium, Switzerland or Canada, bi-national states that formally recognise two different peoples and give them equal rights.
Before that, turnout is the big challenge. There are more than 1.1 million Arab-Israeli voters, 17 per cent of the electorate, a powerful demographic in a system of proportional representation.
But at the last election, nearly half stayed at home.
"We must work very hard in the coming days to raise [turnout]," he says. "Hopefully to something around 65 per cent, maybe 70."
So, what messages is he putting out to galvanise his community to vote?
"The messages that reflect the reality," he answers bluntly. "The reality is that this has been a very harsh period under the Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir, Smotrich government," he adds, naming the ultra-nationalist national security and finance ministers since 2022.
Polls predict that Benjamin Netanyahu's governing coalition will not win a majority in the Knesset - REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
Under the current administration, public funding for Arab-majority towns has been cut, he says, while policing of those communities has effectively been withdrawn by Itamar Ben-Gvir.
This has correlated with a surge in murder rates, which Mr Jabareen describes as a far-Right "tool of control".
Meanwhile, having achieved, in his own words, a revolution in the West Bank because of the many settlements, Bezalel Smotrich recently published a plan to "Judaise" the parts of Israel that have significant Arab populations, by boosting Jewish development and restricting building by Arabs.
All of this has taken place in the aftermath of the Oct 7 massacre of more than 1,200 Israelis led by Hamas, an atrocity which reawoke deep distrust between communities and, on the part of Jewish Israelis, scepticism over the chances of peace.
Asked about the prospects that Mr Netanyahu could cling on, perhaps as a caretaker prime minister before repeat elections, Mr Jabareen seems to blanch.
"I don't want to think about it," he says. "Our top priority is to get rid of the current government."
But how? Would he add his Joint List members of Knesset, predicted to number between eight and 10, to those of the "change" coalition, probably headed by Gadi Eisenkot, the former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff, to help it cross the majority threshold?
Given Mr Jabareen's despair with the current administration, that would seem to be a no-brainer.
But the reality, he explains, is more complicated.
As with most Arab citizens of Israel – that is, those who live within the country's internationally recognised 1967 borders – the Joint List leader also considers himself to be a Palestinian, the designation for Arabs who live in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza.
As such, formally taking part in a government which, in their view and that of much of the international community, illegally occupies those territories is politically sensitive.
The United Arab List, the other principal grouping, also known as Ra'am, joined the brief Bennett-Lapid government of 2021-22 before it collapsed, allowing Mr Netanyahu back into power.
By contrast, Mr Jabareen's Joint List, which may emerge with twice the Knesset seats as Ra'am, is more nationalist in character.
"I find difficulty in seeing ourselves part of a coalition that will continue control over Gaza and the West Bank," he says.
However, he is open to the possibility of helping Mr Eisenkot into the prime minister's office by supporting a minority government "from the outside", as Arab parties did for Yitzhak Rabin, the former Labour prime minister, in the 1990s.
But he will demand a price.
"We want to get rid of the government, but not to give a bank cheque. We need to believe there is a real alternative," he said.
Better government funding for Arab-Israeli towns is at the top of his demands, as well as a fundamental overhaul of policing.
On the bigger question of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Joint List would demand a commitment from Mr Eisenkot to at least express willingness to discuss "ending the occupation" and restarting negotiations with the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah.
"It doesn't mean we will ask Eisenkot to sign the recognition of Palestine the day after the election, but we want to start talking," he says.
Mr Eisenkot may need Mr Jabareen's Joint List to win a majority - Getty Images/ILIA YEFIMOVICH
Official party policy is the fabled two-state solution: an independent Palestine in what are now the occupied territories.
It is the formal policy of the Arab League and most European countries, including Britain, which imposed highly controversial sanctions on Israeli settlements last month in the name of preserving that goal. It is also, technically, still the policy of the US.
However, decades of settlement, which has accelerated since 2022, mean there are now nearly 600,000 Israelis in the West Bank spread across around 150 conurbations linked by IDF-controlled arterial roads from which, following Oct 7, Palestinian towns and villages are often blocked.
In the view of critics, the West Bank is turning into a series of isolated Arab enclaves, rather than a contiguous body of territory that could form the heartland of a Palestinian state.
In practical terms, is the two-state solution still possible?
Mr Jabareen pauses, then he says something unexpected: "We don't insist on the two-state solution. We are saying we accept a two-state solution. There is a difference between the ideas."
'One-state solution'
For a moment, it seems as if he is giving up on the idea of Palestinian self-determination.
But then his real meaning becomes clear; and it is arguably far more radical for the future of Israel.
It is a "one-state solution", in which all the occupied Palestinian territories are formally and legally absorbed into the state of Israel – however, with full civil and voting rights given to Palestinians in return.
Mr Jabareen envisages a bi-national state, which operates as a single political entity but formally recognises the different national groups within it.
It would mean the end of the dream of living independently from Israel – still formal party policy – but he thinks most Palestinians would accept it.
"These ideas are definitely better than this current bloody reality, when they are denied basic voting rights and people can't move from one village to another," he says.
"I think they would welcome any idea that would give them full equality with Jews."
Israeli settlers have clashed with Palestinians in Abu Falah near Ramallah - REUTERS/Ammar Awad
Taken to its logical conclusion, the ramifications for the rest of Israel would be enormous.
On the one hand, the country could with international consent expand to include the territories that many Israelis in their hearts believe are rightfully theirs anyway, particularly when it comes to the West Bank, the area widely known as Judea, and Samaria. These are some of the most important biblical lands for Jews.
However, Israel would risk almost immediately losing its Jewish majority, given that there are already marginally more Arabs in Israel and the occupied territories than Jews, about 7.4 million compared to 7.35 million, according to some measures.
In short, Israel would no longer be the "Jewish" state.
It would be fanciful to imagine this being accepted by any part of the Israeli political spectrum other than the hard-Left in the current climate.
Ultra-nationalists such as Mr Smotrich have publicly discussed annexing the West Bank without giving Palestinians there the vote when it comes to the national government of Israel.
Meanwhile Mr Eisenkot, who presents himself as a security-focused centrist, has given little indication that he favours a change to the status quo in the West Bank other than curbing rampant illegal activity by violent settlers.
Mr Jabareen smiles ruefully. "I think the main objection wouldn't come from the Palestinians," he says.
The significance of his comments is what they suggest about the shifting Palestinian mindset – an emerging pragmatism at the expense of nationalism – rather than as a realistic scenario any time soon.
As evening approaches, Mr Jabareen addresses a neighbourhood meeting in a small village outside Umm al-Fahm, about a mile away over the hills from the "green line" separating Israel from the West Bank.
Yousef Jabareen speaking to potential supporters in Umm al-Fahm - Eyal Warshavsky for The Telegraph
About 60 of the village men sit in inward-facing rectangles of plastic seats, many smoking prodigiously, as teenage boys pass round coffee and dates.
This is the Jabareen stronghold.
Indeed, a sizeable minority of the people who are listening intently as the sun goes down are directly related to the Joint List leader.
One by one, the older men stand up to make their points – this is a public meeting, after all, not a rally.
When Mr Jabareen answers, he does so with the precision of the legal career he left behind. But he combines this with a quiet warmth and the odd joke which seems to draw the crowd towards him, a politician to his fingertips.
Afterwards, the village elders talk about construction, about how hard it is to get a permit out of the current Israeli government and, of course, policing.
"Kids are murdered in Umm al-Fahm all the time," says Yousef Majujni. "Parents are so afraid. We call our children all the time to make sure they're okay.
"The police will come for half an hour and put some tape up, but that's it."
In reality, it is issues such as this, not the Palestinian question, that Mr Jabareen could have the power to address in the Knesset – if, that is, he can encourage Arab-Israelis to the polls.
Having served in the Knesset between 2015 and 2021, he knows what to expect.
"I find it tough – it's full of Zionist symbols and pictures. I have a sense of alienation," he says. "But I'm not there to enjoy the food and the atmosphere. I'm there to represent the causes I'm struggling for."
With that, he is off, the formal campaigning over for another day. Just two more weddings, then bed.
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