Preamble: All that Iran has to do to "win" this war is "not lose". Like yesterday, an Israeli newspaper asked Netanyahu: You claim you have annihilated Hezbollah's arsenal. How come they are still firing (some 6,500 in the past month) rockets, missiles and drones? What Netanyahu has done is fool the Supreme American Moron and shove him into an unwinnable war. All of this so he, Netanyahu (and Trump too by the way), escape prosecution for treason and corruption. As long as the war goes on, Trump and Netanyahu are safe. But all "good things" must have an end.
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Trump's Laurel-and-Hardy negotiators with Iran
We've heard it before: Trump is a fantastic deal maker when it comes to buildings, land plots, cesspools and golden toilets. He managed to convince his herd of morons and plenty of international morons that applying the imbecilities of business to running a country is a simple task. Simplistic, that is, for the simpleton Trump.
In Lebanon, one Rafik Hariri, a construction loser who made billions constructing buildings for the tent-dwelling Saudis back in the 1960s and 1970s, also applied so-called "business acumen" to running the reconstruction of post-1975-war Lebanon. Disaster: He furbished a few downtown Beirut buildings that he quickly sold to high-end stores and restaurants that no one, except Hariri's own corrupt billionaire friends, can afford in tbis impoverished country. Now, he did good things, like scholarships for thousands of students. But he also did some very bad things: He cleared the downtown area of all its archeological wealth, the old markets in particular, and slammed a huge mosque that dwarfed the old Christian church right next to it, signaling the Saudi-led islamization of the country at the time when the Saudis were funding mosque building and terror-leaning madrassas across the Western hemisphere.
One really bad thing he did was to install a corruption-based administration that Lebanon is still reeling from. The Sunni Muslim Hariri bought loyalties all over the place, installing yes-men throughout the State, particularly paying off the Syrian occupation with smuggling deals that transferred billions of assets from Lebanon to the Syrian Assad regime. He also allowed the Iranian-terror organization, Shiite Muslim Hezbollah, to be the only private militia that kept its weapons in spite of the agreement to disband all militias. He issued an amnesty to all warlords and in fact formed governments with them. He forced the Central Bank to do the unthinkable: use deposits from banks and citizens to fund his programs, which led to the collapse of the State's finances in 2019.
The worst part of the Hariri legacy is that it took him more than a decade (1990-2004) to understand that he couldn't invite investments and do business when the country was reeling from a vulgar Syrian occupation. As a businessman, he should have known that you can't grow and prosper under instability, instability he himself nurtured with his sycophancy to Syria and Iran. And as is often the case, you creaqte a monster that ends up gobbling you: Hariri was assassinated by his Syrian and Iranian buddies in downtown Beirut when he tried to steer away from the path he himself established.
Businessmen CANNOT do politics, let alone run a political entity with the mentality of a backalley swindler. Which brings us to Donald Dumb, the famed and failed (so many bankruptcies and failed ventures) businessman-turned-politician. He has his vapid sinister-looking son-in-law Jared Kushner and his sleezy real-estate buddy Steve Witkoff, both looking to make lucrative money-making deals with the very people they are negotiating war and peace with.
In their latest cunning strategy, the Laurel-and-Hardy duo of the Trump administration has proposed to Iran that the US would furnish it with enriched uranium as an enticement for Iran to shed it nuclear program, including its uranium-enrichment program! And that scintillating idea is not going well with the Moron-in-Chief and his buffoon Vice-President. I am inclined to believe that Trump himself came up with the idea. He is so desperate to end his Zionist-prodded war on Iran. Iran has time on its side. Trump doesn't. He badly needs a deal before next November, because he has to worry about an American electorate that feels that Trumpo lied to it with campaign promises that he broke rather quickly. Granted he satisfied the racist anger in the white MAGA morons by tormenting US citizens and foreigners, supposedly fighting illegal immigration, but the Iran trap he was duped into by war criminal Netanyahu is proving to be Trump's Achilles heel. He promised the xenophobic MAGA morons not to fight foreign wars. Americans are vaccinated from childhood to hate foreigners on the ground that they, the Americans, are the best, the greatest, the all-the-superlatives-you-can-think of, and that getting involved in foreign wars is like catching Herpes. And here he is now having sent the Epstein Files to Death Valley by igniting the most stupid war (more stupid than Vietnam and W. Bush's Iraq war) that there is.
Trapped between the Zionists pushing him over the cliff and the American electorate that is watching him in dread, he is flailing like a headless chicken. He has no idea how to get the hell out of the jam Netanyahu has shoved him into. So, the senile demented moron could lash out in dangerous ways. He might be contermplating nuking Iran. He might be tempted to make a deal that favors Iran just to get out of the jam, but in the process strike the exact same deal as Obama's in 2015 which he, tiny hands and tiny balls, quickly abrogated to prove his racist manliness against African-American Obama.
It is actually exhilarating to watch Trump squirm in his bed late at night, spewing methane gas from his buccal cavity (when it should normally be coming out of his caudal sphincter) in a state of delirious tremens. In some of his hallucinations, he tells the Iranians "they have no cards left" (just as he did with Zelenskiy). But these people are not trading cards; they don't have the mindset of the bullshit "deal-making" of American salesmanship. Trump can literally raise Iran to the ground and the Iranians still won't relent. Trump is a zero in history and human relations. He just doesn't understand that people can be motivated (right or wrong) by other than money (which he seems to think it's the only motivator of human conduct).
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Vance and Kushner Clash as Trump’s Iran Strategy Unravels
Olivia Ralph
Sat, April 11, 2026
President Donald Trump’s new strategy with Iran is already falling apart as his own team can’t agree on the basics.
Vice President JD Vance and the president’s son-in-law Jared Kushner appear to be pushing completely different demands in nuclear talks with Tehran, just a day before negotiations are set to resume.
Vance is insistent that Iran have zero uranium enrichment capacity, while Kushner and special envoy Steve Witkoff had recently floated a softer deal in which the U.S. would supply Iran with uranium for civilian use, according to Fox News.
“When JD Vance says that the president gave them clear guidelines, we understand that to mean that the U.S. needs to go in there and tell Iran: No enrichment, period,” White House correspondent Peter Doocy told America’s Newsroom.
“About six weeks ago, Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner were sitting there with the Iranians and said, ‘The U.S. will give you all the uranium you want for peaceful purposes. You just can’t use it to enrich a bomb.’”
JD Vance is adamant that Iran can have zero uranium enrichment capacity. / Jacquelyn Martin / via Reuters
Iran rejected that proposal outright, highlighting just how wide the gap remains and how muddled the U.S. position has become.
The split is emerging at a critical moment as Trump has dispatched Vance, Kushner, and Witkoff to Pakistan for ceasefire talks to stabilize a fragile truce after weeks of escalating conflict.
But even before those negotiations begin, there are signs they could unravel.
Tehran has already indicated it would prefer to deal directly with Vance over Kushner and Witkoff, reflecting deep distrust after earlier talks collapsed, according to CNN.
Iranian officials have also warned that key preconditions, including a ceasefire in Lebanon and the release of frozen assets, have not been met, raising doubts that the talks will go ahead at all.
Iran’s military has warned it has its “fingers on the trigger” amid what it calls repeated breaches of trust, while regional skirmishes continue despite the supposed ceasefire.
Iranian officials have reportedly indicated they would rather deal directly with JD Vance than with Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff. / Denis Balibouse / REUTERS
Trump, meanwhile, has been sending a very different message.
“The Iranians don’t seem to realize they have no cards, other than a short term extortion of the World by using International Waterways,” the president wrote on Truth Social on Friday.
“The only reason they are alive today is to negotiate!”
“The Iranians are better at handling the Fake News Media, and ‘Public Relations,’ than they are at fighting!” he wrote in another post.
The White House did not immediately respond to the Daily Beast’s request for comment.
Trump has dispatched Vance, Kushner, and Witkoff to Pakistan for ceasefire talks aimed at stabilizing a fragile truce with Iran. / Truth Social
The mixed messaging, with hardline demands from one envoy, concessions from another, and threats from the president, has left the administration looking divided heading into one of the most delicate negotiations of Trump’s presidency.
With so much still unresolved, the biggest obstacle to a deal may not be Iran, but the lack of a clear U.S. position.
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Trump could accept suboptimal deal and throw Vance under the bus
Adrian Blomfield
Sun, April 12, 2026
King Donald Trump has charged his Fool JD Vance with a mission many see as extremely difficult - Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP
Facing the prospect of ending an unpopular war with a suboptimal peace, Donald Trump appears to have hit on a canny self-preservation strategy – if talks with Iran go awry, he can always blame JD Vance, his hapless deputy.
The US president acknowledged as much in jest before Easter, when Mr Vance was engaged in indirect backchannel negotiations with a pragmatist faction in Tehran, saying: “If it doesn’t happen, I’m blaming JD Vance. If it does happen, I’m taking full credit.”
Mr Vance – who famously backed Mr Trump because he did not start foreign wars – has been dispatched to end one, a return to influence after months sidelined from his boss’s “War-a-Lago” inner circle.
Now he is back, charged with a mission many see as extremely difficult. The obstacles are formidable. Mistrust runs deep on both sides. Yet it is not inconceivable that he might pull it off.
Washington accuses Iran of decades of deceit over its nuclear programme and of sponsoring militias intent on destroying Israel and destabilising the Middle East.
Iran, meanwhile, is angered that the US has bombed it twice in the midst of negotiations. Israel’s surprise assault on Lebanon in the hours after the ceasefire only deepened Iranian suspicions, with Tehran rejecting Washington’s claim that the truce did not cover Israeli operations against Hezbollah.
With Iran threatening to walk away, the talks seemed at risk of collapse before they began.
In truth, Tehran’s anger is likely to have been performative: it is unlikely to return to war for Lebanon’s sake, just as it barely intervened when Israel killed Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, during its last invasion in 2024.
Since neither side wants a resumption of hostilities – despite rhetoric to the contrary – there are grounds for cautious optimism. A bargain, grubby rather than grand, is there to be struck. Mr Trump wants the Iran problem to go away; Iran wants cash.
In this quid pro quo, Tehran may hold the stronger hand. Mr Trump knows the war was deeply unpopular at home and that renewed fighting would unleash market turmoil, sending oil prices soaring and dimming Republican prospects in November’s midterm elections.
Iran, for all the punishment it has taken, retains control of the Strait of Hormuz and a degraded but still functioning drone and missile arsenal.
Internally, it is more divided. Pragmatists are thought to favour a durable settlement; hardliners are prepared to resume the fight. With so many senior figures killed, it is unclear which faction has the upper hand.
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the parliamentary speaker leading the delegation, is seen as a bridge between them.
Tehran will press two main demands.
Firstly, proof that Washington is negotiating in good faith: that it will not resume hostilities mid-talks and will commit to a genuine end to the conflict. Iran fears a repeat of Israel’s ceasefires in Gaza and Lebanon, where strikes and assassinations continued long after peace was declared.
Secondly, Iran wants meaningful sanctions relief. The regime sees this as essential to preventing a return of the protests that nearly toppled it in January.
The war has, paradoxically, strengthened the system by rallying public sympathy. But Iran’s leaders know their grip remains tenuous unless they can ease the economic strain, which has been worsened by strikes on industrial infrastructure.
In return, Iran may offer concessions that Mr Trump can present as a win. There are limits – Tehran is highly unlikely to abandon nuclear enrichment altogether. But it may agree to address its 440kg stockpile of highly enriched uranium.
Such a step would not be as dramatic as it sounds. Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s foreign minister, had already suggested diluting the stockpile and transferring much of it to a third party under United Nations supervision during talks in Geneva before the US attacked.
More broadly, Iran may be reassessing its nuclear ambitions anyway. The war has underlined that weapons of mass disruption are potentially as powerful a deterrent as weapons of mass destruction.
In other words, Iran’s leverage now lies less in nukes than in disruption. A nuclear weapon might hold the Middle East hostage, but closing the Strait of Hormuz makes the global economy its captive.
Despite pledges to reopen the waterway, traffic remains severely restricted. Just 14 ships, none of them oil tankers, have been permitted transit since the truce, with hundreds more still stuck in the Gulf.
This gives Iran significant leverage. Mr Trump is demanding freedom of navigation. Iran, claiming it has mined the strait and lost track of the mines, will seek a price for easing its grip.
Sanctions relief will almost certainly be part of any deal.
Tehran has claimed Washington may release $6bn (£4.5bn) in frozen assets held mostly in Qatar – a move Washington denies, but would fit as a relatively easy confidence-building measure. The money had been earmarked for release to Iran in a 2023 prisoner swap deal before being refrozen after the Oct 7 attacks in Israel.
Whatever the outcome, Iran has demonstrated in the past six weeks that, even with a shattered navy, it can choke the world’s most important energy artery at will.
Mr Vance may yet produce an accord – though not quickly. The Obama administration took 18 months to reach its 2015 nuclear deal.
The US president, eager to move on to more politically convenient distractions – Greenland, perhaps – is unlikely to mind.
He can always blame his wingman.
Mr Trump said on Saturday he was not bothered about the outcome of US-Iran talks in Pakistan, insisting the United States had come out ahead from the war.
“Whether we make a deal or not makes no difference to me. The reason is because we’ve won,” the US president told reporters. “We’re in very deep negotiations with Iran. We win regardless. We’ve defeated them militarily.”
And whatever emerges will leave Mr Trump open to the charge that, while the US weakened Iran on the battlefield, it strengthened its hand elsewhere.
Disagreements remain between Iranian and US negotiators, according to a Tehran-backed news agency on Saturday.
Tasnim, a semi-official arm of the Iranian state, claimed the latest round of talks between the two sides in Islamabad had ended.
Meanwhile, an Iranian government account, on X, formerly Twitter, underlined negotiations would continue, “despite some remaining differences”.
Mr Trump also repeated the US military’s statement that US Navy warships on Saturday transited through the Strait of Hormuz, the vital gateway to the oil-rich Gulf, to begin clearing it of Iranian mines.
The account was denied by Iran, which has exerted power over the narrow waterway and with it the world’s oil supply in retaliation for the attack launched on Feb 28 by the United States and Israel.
“We have minesweepers out there. We’re sweeping the strait,” Mr Trump said. “We’ll open up the strait even though we don’t use it, because we have a lot of other countries in the world that do use it that are either afraid or weak or cheap.”
The US president again voiced frustration with allies from Nato, who stayed on the sidelines during the war, and who were not consulted in advance. “We were not helped by Nato, that I can tell you,” he said.
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