Does Viktor Orban Blame Defeat on "Rigged Elections"? Trump did and Will Again!

Photo Illustration by Eric Faison/The Daily Beast/Getty Images

Viktor Orban is Trump's closest ally in the EU. Conservative, autocrat, pro-Russia's Putin...but still civilized. He, his ideas, and his party were crushed in the latest legislative elections in Hungary. But he is walking away. 

Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro was Trump's closest ally (and fellow Evangelical moron) in Latin America. When he lost elections after a first term, he tried to pull a "Trump-inspired Jan.6-like insurrection", but Brazil still goes by the rules unlike the US. Bolsonaro is now in jail. He was prosecuted and sentenced to a 27-year prison sentence for attempting a coup following his 2022 election loss. Unlike their counterparts in Brazil, the American GOP barbarian cowards let Trump get away with his sedition and promoted him to get elected a second time. He has wrecked America and is now wrecking the world.

From the opinion below, "...Trump is not going to go down without a fight. He’s no Orban, who did all the things authoritarians are supposed to do—but when it didn’t work anymore, he recognized that when people rise up, they can win out. The same thing can happen here, but Trump has many cards to play. Some of them are trump cards. The rest of us are only now beginning to understand how stacked the deck is in his favor, and how limited our time is to react."

The madman anti-Christ Trump is the devil, parading himself as a gentle and meek Jesus and has said he is not bound by any social or political or religious norm: His only moral reference is himself. On elections, he has said many times, "If I lose, the elections must have been rigged. If I win, the elections were fair".
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Opinion

The Dark Prediction Trump Will Make After His MAGA Ally’s Big Loss in Europe
Eleanor Clift
Tue, April 14, 2026


Photo Illustration by Eric Faison/The Daily Beast/Getty Images

His best trans-Atlantic buddy just lost bigly. Hungary’s MAGA-friendly leader Viktor Orban got the boot from voters after 16 years in power, despite Trump’s endorsement and a campaign visit from JD Vance. Contrary to expectations, he also delivered a gracious concession—at least for now.

What message does Trump take from this defeat? Not the one you would hope. There’s no way he will allow himself a similar fate should his party lose power in the upcoming midterms. (And let’s be clear, it certainly looks like that will be the case.) In addition to putting in place various nefarious schemes and roadblocks to influence the outcome—like, say, having ICE agents at polling places and limiting mail-in ballots by executive order—Trump could take his pique to another level and declare an emergency that threatens the continuity of government itself and requires the suspension of the election.

How so? Through the use of PEADs. These Presidential Emergency Action Documents were created during the Eisenhower administration, and they grant virtually unlimited powers to the executive in the wake of a major disruptive attack (terrorist or nuclear) on the homeland. They are intact and ready to go, require no congressional action or judicial review, and until Trump became president, no one worried they could be abused.

“No one thought we would have to deal with someone like Trump,” said Joel McCleary, co-founder of the advocacy group Keep Our Republic and a former Carter administration official with a long career focused on national security.

PEADs have been implemented before—after 9/11 to speed the Bush administration’s response to the terrorist attacks. They are not necessarily a sinister tool in and of themselves: “At a time of a true national emergency, such as responding to a nuclear strike by a foreign adversary or a major terrorist attack, PEADs can be used to bring key parts of the federal government under direct operational control at high speed,” Keep Our Republic’s documentation explains. But, “in the hands of a President who has already weakened restraints and expanded enforcement capacity, they provide a way to direct the machinery of government against domestic adversaries—the people and institutions he regards as threats.”

“We missed a coup by a sliver,” McCleary continued, citing the January 6, 2021 insurrection. “If Trump had gone to Congress and stepped into the chamber, it would have changed the whole dynamic. The president has the power with the stroke of a pen to secure these emergency powers. He is someone who not only practices ‘madman theory,’ but is unstable… this is a threat.”

[Coward] Mike Pence listens as Donald Trump speaks during a press briefing at the White House in Washington, DC, on March 26, 2020. / JIM WATSON / jim w

On January 6, our Republic was saved when Vice President Pence refused to do Trump’s bidding, and by Attorney General Bill Barr’s resignation several days earlier. Without Barr, Trump didn’t have anyone to carry out his orders, McCleary told the Daily Beast; it’s unclear that Trump, at the time, even knew the full extent of the powers at his disposal as president. That has changed. Trump now boasts that he has “very strong emergency powers” and “the right to do a lot of things that people don’t even know about.” He has stated that presidential authority is “total,” and that under Article 11 of the Constitution, he has “the right to do whatever I want as president.”

In other words, Trump is restrained only by his “own morality,” as McCleary put it—make of that what you will—and when it comes to the continuity of government in circumstances that he can declare an emergency, he is chillingly more correct than most of us would like to believe.

Stephen Miller is the White House counsel overseeing the process by which PEADs could come back into play. That alone should be sufficient warning of what’s possible.

While the full specifics of what PEADs authorize are secret and classified, historically they have included measures to allow a president to suspend habeas corpus, bypass the courts and permit indefinite detention, authorize the apprehension of “potentially dangerous” individuals, censor news reporting, restrict international travel, and shut down or control telecommunications, which today could include the internet. Trump’s boasting about his powers prompted 10 senators, including one Republican, to inquire about the documents, but if anything came of it, it wasn’t made public.

To repeat, there is no role for Congress and no judicial review. In a letter penned by two Democratic stalwarts, Dick Gephardt, former House minority leader, and Tim Wirth, a former senator from Colorado, they write: “The issue is not whether emergency powers exist. It is that they now sit in the hands of a President who has both the means and the motive to use them, in a system that no longer provides the same resistance it once did.”

Gephardt and Wirth are also co-founders of Keep Our Republic and have been ringing the alarm bells about PEADs since 2020. “Everybody thought we were crazy. We were playing Paul Revere,” says Wirth. “But now this isn’t theoretical, this is happening before our eyes.”

The letter points out that Trump faces clear risks with investigations and possibly impeachment to follow should Republicans lose control of Congress. “Those pressures give him a reason to act before those constraints reassert themselves,” Gephardt and Wirth warn.

“Governors, attorneys general, members of Congress, military leadership, and the judiciary must decide now how they will respond if these authorities are invoked,” it continues. “They must define in advance what actions they will treat as lawful and what they will reject.”

Trump is not going to go down without a fight. He’s no Orban, who did all the things authoritarians are supposed to do—but when it didn’t work anymore, he recognized that when people rise up, they can win out. The same thing can happen here, but Trump has many cards to play. Some of them are trump cards. The rest of us are only now beginning to understand how stacked the deck is in his favor, and how limited our time is to react.