The following is reproduced from an article published in Arzitlebnen.com on July 30, 2024.
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In 1992, Youssef Hitti sent a letter to
the magazine “The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (WRMEA) critiquing its coverage of Lebanon. Both the editors of WRMEA and its “reporters” replied to the letter. Here is a reproduction
of the letter, the editors’ response and Ms. Rachelle Marshall’s reply to my
letter.
[Note: Everything in italics is my own inserts into the original texts. Keep in mind the context of 1992, when Lebanon was "pacified" by the US-sponsored Taef Agreement (1989) that shafted the Christians of the country and handed power to the Sunni and Shiite Muslims, and imposed a Stalinist Syrian occupation that was to remain in place until 2005]
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From: The Washington
Report on Middle East Affairs, November 1992
Letter to the Editor:
The Wrong Message
When I first subscribed to
the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (WRMEA), I was
seduced by its courage to tell the untold version of the Israeli-Arab conflict.
While your coverage does indeed balance out the heavily pro-Israeli U.S. media,
it fails in its silence over the role played by most Arab regimes in
mistreating their own constituent societies.
It would be exceedingly
provincial on your part to argue that, by raising those issues at a time when
the Palestinian struggle is finally bearing fruit, you would only be doing a
service to the pro-Israeli propaganda. I believe that justice in the Middle
East should go beyond the Israeli oppression of the Palestinians, and that the
definition of freedom should be broadened to include the emancipation of the
Arab individual from the shackles of tyranny and archaic governments. Those
Arab regimes have exploited the Israeli threat to maintain their grip on power,
and have succeeded only in preventing their societies from outgrowing their
feudal and tribal mindsets. [A harbinger of the Arab Spring revolutions that
were to erupt some 20 years later]
Your coverage of Lebanon is a
case in point. Whether it is Marilyn Raschka, Susan Smith, or Rachelle
Marshall, you consistently project a rosy image of the intra-Lebanese political
situation, while finding blame uniquely in the Israeli occupation in the south.
In "Israel in Lebanon: Turning Neighbors into Enemies" (Aug./Sept.
'92), Ms. Marshall's point that the Islamic fundamentalist threat is
exaggerated by the pro-Israel lobby is well taken. But her argument that Israel
is the only source of terror and instability in south Lebanon is equally
exaggerated. [In fact, in retrospect, the Islamic fundamentalist threat does
exist, but Zionist Israel amalgamates Islamism with legitimate national resistance
for the specific purpose of denying the Palestinians their freedom and natural
right to combat a colonial oppressor that stole their land and keeps tormenting
them, while at the same time Zionists use Jewish fundamentalism as a license to
rape Palestine and genocide the Palestinian people out of existence].
The history and the realities
of the tragedy in southern Lebanon are multi-faceted and cannot be treated in
fairness in this letter. But I would like to make the following points: Unlike
the occupation of the Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza, Israel has
declared repeatedly that it does not have any territorial ambitions over the
south of Lebanon, and that its presence there is directly related to the
protection of its northern border. Contrast that with Syria's official stance
that Lebanon and Syria are one nation in two states (hence Syria's refusal to
exchange ambassadors with Lebanon since their independence from the French
mandate), and that Syria's presence in Lebanon is aimed at the "re-unification"
of the two countries.
From the late '60s, Israel's
northern villages have been the target of attacks by Palestinian guerrillas,
and now by Hezbollah militants. Every agreement signed between the Lebanese
government and the PLO to put that situation under control was breached by the
PLO in violation of Lebanese sovereignty. While the response of Israel has been
out of proportion to the attacks, it remains that Israel was constantly
provided with the justification to intervene in Lebanon. Even today, Hezbollah
leaders have made it clear that their struggle against Israel is ideologically
motivated and therefore will continue even if Israel withdraws from Lebanese
territory.
How about the fact that the
southern half of Lebanon has been "cleansed" of its Christian
population by the pro-Syrian Palestinian-Islamic alliance, and except for the
Israeli security zone, no Christian village exists today on the map south of
Beirut? To justify these atrocities as retaliations to the Phalangist militias'
massacres of Palestinians is tantamount to justifying Israel's harsh occupation
of the West Bank and Gaza as a valid response to Ahmed Jibril's or Abu Nidal's
attacks against Israeli targets.
Finally, while Ms. Marshall
fails to mention in her long article the abomination of the Syrian occupation
of Lebanon, Ms. Raschka does indeed handle that subject in her accompanying
"Letter from Lebanon." Syria's ironic sponsoring of parliamentary
elections in Lebanon this September against the will of at least half of the
population and the leadership comes after Syria's Abdel Halim Khaddam's recent
declaration that Syria will not keep its promise to withdraw its
troops from Beirut and its surrounding areas. A million Lebanese exiles
are denied the right to vote in their consulates abroad, and 350,000 displaced
Lebanese cannot return to their villages in the south and cast their ballots
out of fear, not of the Israelis, but of the Hezbollah and Druze militias.
It is one thing to tell the
truth about Israel's sordid record in the Middle East, but it is another to
cover up for Syria's abominable record in both Syria and Lebanon. Syria's
ultimate goal is to annex Lebanon; it is doing so with a patient mix of military
and diplomatic maneuvering. With elections under current occupation conditions,
a pro-Syrian parliament will inevitably legislate to merge Lebanon with Syria.
The inevitability of this scenario is based on the precedent treaty of
"Brotherhood and Cooperation" signed in 1991 between the two
countries, in which Lebanon effectively ceded its sovereignty to Syria in
deciding on its military, economic, educational, cultural and foreign policies.
The monster in the Middle
East is not just Israel. It is also the oppressive and anachronistic regimes of
most Arab countries. Your job is incomplete as long as you do not address the
true longings of the Arab peoples: to become truly free from the worm within. A
prerequisite for the liberation of Palestine is to liberate the Arab
individual's potential from the shackles of the dictatorships under which it
has been decaying for decades. I fear sometimes that your approach to the
Middle East is borne out of the same romantic Orientalist mindset Edward Saiid
so eloquently described. It makes Westerners subconsciously deny the native
Arabs an inborn responsibility for liberating themselves, place the blame on
the "Western" Israel as a means to rationalize the guilt, and thus
perpetuate both the victimization and the need for the "Orientalists"
to help the victim.
Youssef Hitti, Division of
Biology and Medicine, Brown University, Providence, RI
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Appended to the published
letter is this mediocre comment by the editors of WRMEA. Since Saudi Arabia has lots of petroleum and no human rights, I
think WRMEA is barking up the wrong tree. The following is the
comment published by the WRMEA appended to Hitti's letter.
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If we've been remiss, your
letter will help fill the gap. We'll take issue with two of your points,
however, and offer two comments. The PLO had honored its 1981 U.S.-brokered
agreement not to attack across Israel's northern border for 10 months when Ariel
Sharon broke the agreement with the June 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon.
Also, it's our impression that the unresolved Palestinian question constitutes
a major threat to traditional Arab regimes, particularly those doing business
with the U.S. Those exploiting the problem, in our opinion, are Arab military
dictatorships such as those in Libya, Iraq and Syria.
As early as the 1960s, one
worldwide phenomenon made clear who would win the Cold War. The Soviet Union,
China, Cuba, East Germany and others were building walls and fences and
patrolling their borders and coasts to keep their people in. Countries with free
economies that also respected human rights were doing the same thing to keep
illegal immigrants out.
Perhaps, before glibly
dismissing all Middle East states that do not have our kind of democracy, it
would be more honest to apply a similar test. Which countries restrict
emigration and which restrict immigration? And, to anticipate one reply,
petroleum is not always relevant. Saudi Arabia has the largest oil reserves in
the world and its problem, predictably, is to keep people out. Right next door,
however, are Iraq, with the second largest reserves, and Iran not far behind.
Neither can keep their people in. Perhaps the only real test of whether a
regime is or isn't exploitative is which way its people would go, if they had
the choice. As for our own role, we air the views that cannot be aired through
the mainstream American press. We aren't needed to provide the U.S. public with
documentation of human rights violations by Arab countries (but we nevertheless
do so in our human rights column), since such violations are widely reported,
we might even say exploited, by mainstream U.S. publications.
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In February 1993, the WRMEA
published this reply by one of the individuals who was the subject of Hitti's
initial critique [Italicized bracketed comments are my own inserts]:
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Reply to Dr. Hitti (By
Rachelle Marshall) (February 1993):
In his letter in the
November issue, Professor Youssef Hitti accuses me of suggesting that Israel is
the only source of terror and instability in south Lebanon, and argues that
Syria is at least equally to blame. He asserts that "Israel has declared
repeatedly that it does not have any territorial ambitions over the south of
Lebanon, and that its presence there is directly related to the protection of
its northern border."
In the good old days,
whenever I criticized U.S. intervention abroad, say in Vietnam or Nicaragua,
the stock response from super patriots was, "what about Soviet crimes? Why
don't you criticize Castro?" So, I'll assert at the outset that I agree
with Professor Hitti that Israel is by no means the only source of terror in
the Middle East. Several Arab regimes are brutally repressive, not only
exploiting their own citizens but those of poorer neighbors. They deserve
exposure and condemnation. But the U.S. does not subsidize these regimes with
billions of dollars a year, as it does Israel. Consequently, it does not have
the same degree of leverage over them and there is not much an American citizen
can do to change them other than to argue, as I have done publicly, that we
should stop providing them with arms or any other kind of assistance.
[Ms. Marshall is either deliberately oblivious
or simply ignorant of the following levers the US can, but does not, use to promote change in the
Arab world: it subsidizes the Egyptian dictatorship by the billions of dollars,
it has numerous military bases in the subservient Gulf emirates with their sordid abysmal human rights record, it constantly brandishes
the Iran scarecrow to continue domesticating the inept Arabs of the Gulf, and
has rushed to defend Kuwait against Iraq, etc. All could be excellent
leveraging tools to bring about human rights in Arab repressive regimes. Why
does the US refuse to use them?]
In the article that
Professor Hitti takes issue with, I discussed Israel's actions in south Lebanon
and not Syria's, as he would have liked. One reason is that the article was specifically focused on Israel's
behavior in southern Lebanon, not on the political situation in that country.
[In her naiveté or hypocrisy, Ms. Marshall
sees no connection between the abysmal internal political situation in Lebanon and
the double occupation of the country by Syria and Israel].
Nevertheless, it is also
true that despite the repressive nature of its government, Syria has not
invaded Lebanon three times in the last 20 years or slaughtered tens of
thousands of Lebanese and Palestinians in the process.
[Syria has invaded Lebanon
only once in 1975 and never left, until 2005 when it was forced to
leave by an angry population in the aftermath of the Syrian-engineered
assassination of Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. The 30-year long US-backed Syrian “peacekeeping”
in Lebanon netted some 150,000 dead, a million injured and maimed, another
million exiles, and tens of thousands still languishing in Syria’s ‘humane’ prisons].
Syria is not currently
conducting regular bombing raids that kill hundreds of Lebanese a year,
including children.
[Here’s the same whataboutism
that Marshall decried earlier in her reply. She responds to Hitti's critique of the
Arab regimes, particularly Syria’s, by “what about Israel?” In any case, I
personally lived through three sieges of the Christian sectors of Lebanon and
Beirut – in 1976 in the Battle of the Mountain, in the summer of 1978 in
Beirut, and in the spring of 1981 again in Beirut, during which the Syrian occupation
army indiscriminately bombed for months at a time Christian residential areas,
killing men, women and children. All that Ms. Marshall needs to do to see what
the Syrian regime is capable of is to glance across the border into Syria to
see what Assad and his Russian friend Putin have been doing since 2011 in Syria
itself: barbaric raids against its own citizens: 600,000 dead, including
children, 7 million exiled as refugees, including 2.5 million displaced into
Lebanon].
Syria is not keeping
hundreds of Lebanese men penned like animals, dying slow deaths, in order to
barter for the return of a captured Israeli pilot.
[Syria has “disappeared”
17,000 Lebanese citizens who were kidnapped in their own country and
transferred to Syria’s notoriously barbaric jails where the jailers change the names of their Lebanese detainees so no one can track them. Syria’s Hezbollah has kept
dozens of western hostages – diplomats, Christian clergymen, academics,
journalists… - penned like animals in dingy basements in order to barter them
for concessions - like the return of the western hostages held by hezbollah in the 1980s - from a cowardly jaundiced West. In tandem with Iran and
Hezbollah, Syria has truck-bombed US and French peacekeepers’ compounds in
Beirut in 1983 killing hundreds of disarmed soldiers, not to mention the dozens of assassinations of
Lebanese politicians, journalists and freedom-minded dissidents]
Syria was, indeed, invited
into Lebanon in the mid-1970s by Christian factions in order to put down
Palestinian and Muslim forces that were on the verge of winning the civil war.
[Baathist Syria
needed no invitation: It has always ideologically claimed Lebanon as its
territory that was snatched from it by the French Mandate, just like Saddam
Hussein claimed Kuwait was once a part of Iraq that colonial Britain sliced
off. As early as 1973, right after war criminal Henry Kissinger made a deal
with Assad – trading Lebanon to Assad in exchange for surrendering the Golan to
Israel – the Syrian butcher began dispatching terror groups across his
country’s border: Saika, Aassfia, Yarmuk brigades, Palestine Liberation Army…
all factitious proxies of the Assad regime that provided it with deniability:
It’s not us, say the crooks in Damascus, it’s the Palestinians, it’s the
Muslim radicals, and so on. This remains Assad’s modus operandi today: In 2017,
he dispatched a handful of his men disguised as ISIS to the Lebanese Syrian
border to give his ally Hezbollah the fake glory
of “liberating” Lebanon from ISIS. Those fake ISIS terrorists in fact returned
to Syria in air-conditioned buses and were never jailed or otherwise punished. In
the early 1970s, these Syrian-manufactured obscure groups would cross the
border and attack isolated Christian villages and monasteries like Beit Mellat,
Al-Qaa and others, carrying out massacres with the specific objective of
stirring civil and sectarian strife. If Syria was so kind to respond positively
to the Christians’ invite in 1977, why did it refuse to leave when the
Christians asked it to leave beginning in 1978 and officially in 1983 when the country was supposedly
“pacified” by Assad’s worthless Baathist criminal army?]
….
Finally, Professor Hitti
makes the vague claim that since Hezbollah leaders are ideologically motivated,
"their attacks will continue even if Israel withdraws from Lebanese
territory." But evidence points to the contrary. Hostility to Israel from
Shi'i in southern Lebanon did not manifest itself until well after Israel's
1982 invasion, when Israel's occupation policies proved cruel and humiliating.
Those policies are today no less repressive and continue to fuel the
resentments of the local Lebanese. If Israel were to offer complete withdrawal
of its troops and surrogate forces in return for a demilitarized zone in
southern Lebanon, an increase in U.N. peacekeeping forces, or other assurances
of security, I suspect those few zealots who wished to continue the bloodshed
would soon find themselves with no support.
Rachelle Marshall, Stanford,
CA
[I wonder if Ms. Marshall now
sees that since 2000, when Israel withdrew from the south, Hezbollah has doubled
down on its ideological warfare and refuses to disarm. Hezbollah cares nothing
for the Lebanese people in the south and exists only to satisfy the Iranian
Ayatollah’s expansionist program. It is now linking its warmongering in south Lebanon with the genocide in Gaza. Will Ms. Marshall still assert like an imbecile that
Hezbollah will disarm if a ceasefire is reached in Gaza? Or will she condone
Hezbollah’s taking Lebanon to the edge of a devastating abyss by linking a
potential war in Lebanon with the genocide in Gaza?
Prof. Hitti's point was
to request a more balanced coverage instead of the naïve, idiotic, or hypocritical, American positioning
vis-à-vis the war conditions in Lebanon. Simply put, both Israel
and Syria are Lebanon’s enemies. The entire five decades of torment since 1975
have been the direct outcome of two regional hyper-militarized discatorships (Baathist in Syria, Zionist in Israel) persecuting a tiny, diverse and vulnerable country like Lebanon. American
“experts” like Ms. Marshall are perhaps too dense to comprehend the
complexities of the Near East, let alone Lebanon: On the right, they much
prefer the “bad Arab” vs. “good Jew” racist simpleton equation, and on the
left, the cowardly but honest “Jew first” and “Arab second”. I just wish idiot Ms. Marshall would concentrate on her state of California, and if that is also too
complex for her, she can focus on reporting about bad bus stops and the elderly’s abuse of their handicapped spots in her lovely little
town of Stanford.]
