Nothing but the truth. Even if against me.

Nothing but the truth. Even if against me.

Sunday, May 11, 2025

From the War Archives: Lebanon’s Golgotha in the Prisons of Syria

Lebanon’s Golgotha in the Prisons of Syria:

The Testimony of a Former Lebanese Prisoner

From the archives of the Syrian War Against Lebanon (1975-2005), the testimony of one among thousands of Lebanese citizens who were arbitrarily detained in Lebanon by Syrian Intelligence and transferred and incarcerated in the notorious prisons of the Assad regime.(Translated from Arabic original).

April 12, 2004 – Reporter News

I am a Lebanese citizen from Beirut who was imprisoned in 1991 by the Syrian occupation army. I spent five years at the Syrian prison of Mazze. This testimony is intended for the Lebanese, Arab, and international public opinions so that they are aware of the suffering of the Lebanese under the Syrian occupation: brutal repression and unparalleled terror, not unlike those of the Nazi concentration camps and fascist terror.

I would like this testimony to make its way into the hands of Lebanese, Arab, and international media, and of embassies and non-governmental organizations in order to prompt them to campaign for the release of hundreds of Lebanese prisoners who suffer daily in the prisons of Syria for no other reason than having called for the freedom, independence, and sovereignty for Lebanon.

I would also like for the leaders of the free world to read this testimony and use it to take action for the liberation of Lebanese detainees in Syria, and most importantly to bring an end to the Syrian occupation that suffocates Lebanon and its unfortunate people who reel under the rule of collaborators working for Syria against their own people.

The reader will forgive me for not using my name since I still live in Lebanon and do not want to be the target of reprisals or another detention or even be “skinned alive”, a threat I received from the head of the Syrian Intelligence Services (Mukhabarat) in Lebanon, Major-General Ghazi Kanaan before my release.

My ordeal began one day as I was driving to work in my own car. As I parked in front of my office, a group of Kalashnikov-wielding men in civilian clothes surrounded me and said: “Don’t move. We are Syrian Mukhabarat. You are our prisoner.” The group’s leader had barely finished these words, and two of the men approached me quickly, covered my head with a black bag, and handcuffed me before throwing me in the trunk of their car and speeding away.

I was wondering what they could possibly want from a man like me, a two-year veteran of the Lebanese army who no longer was involved with the military. My only affiliation was with a local association working for the development of my native region and the improvement of its standard of living. As for my political opinions, I opposed the Syrian occupation of my country like most of my fellow Lebanese. I was as well an activist in the movement of General Michel Aoun in both regions of North and South Metn.

The answer to my question soon came when the car stopped and the armed men took me out of the trunk and pushed me, handcuffed and with the bag over my head, down a long stairway that led into a humid and moldy underground dungeon. I could smell the ocean, and I concluded that I must be at the Hotel Beau Rivage prison that I have heard so much about and which the Syrians had converted into their primary prison in Beirut and the headquarters of their Mukhabarat services under the orders of Colonel Rustom Ghazaleh and his aides.

The hitting, kicking, and insults did not stop from the moment they removed me from the trunk of the car and until I was shoved into a tiny cell – 1.5 meters long by 80 cm wide (4.9 by 2.7 ft). They kept on hurling Lebanese swearwords at me but with a Syrian accent: “We’re going to fuck the greatest of the Lebanese. We will walk over the Lebanese with our boots. Who do you think you are, you mother fuckers, to oppose us?” and other similar hair-raising insults.

They then threw me in the dark cell that was really like a tomb. Two hours later, the door opened and a couple of bullies came in, placed the bag again over my head, and pushed me into the narrow passage between the cells, then again up the stairs and into an interrogation room. There, they sat me in a special interrogation chair made of metal and resumed the swearing and cussing, but this time it was directed at prominent Lebanese figures that included, among others, the Maronite Patriarch whom they called a senile idiot. In fact, they did not spare a single Lebanese Christian leader, saying: “You mother fuckers do not want the Syrians?… We will take care of you. By God we will skin you alive…”

Suddenly the room fell silent, as some higher-ranking people walked into the room. I knew that the newcomers were high-ranking because the bullies addressed them with “Sidna” (Sir, or Lord).

The guards took my clothes off (they actually tore them off) without removing the bag off my head or the handcuffs from my wrists. Then they poured very cold water on me, punched me, and hit me with clubs to the point where I lost track of the count of blows. Blood was pouring out of my nose and mouth, while the dirty black bag over my head prevented me from seeing where the blows were coming from: I was like a cat in a bag.

They showered me with questions accusing me of spying on the Syrian army for Israel and every time I denied the spying charges they would fly into a rage and the blows multiplied. They would repeatedly interrogate me then take me back to the cell till I lost any sense of time and place. It was only when my guards and investigators informed me that I will be transferred to Anjar (headquarters of the Syrian Mukhabarat in Lebanon) for additional investigations after the preliminary 3-day phase of the investigation at the Beau Rivage compound that I realized that this circus had lasted for three days.

They put me in a truck with eight others from different regions of Lebanon. Our heads were covered with bags and our hands and feet were cuffed. It was extremely cold and Beirut was under a heavy downpour. By the time we arrived at Dahr El Baydar (the mountain pass on the highway to Damascus) we were shivering from the cold which made our wounds hurt even more.

We arrived at the central prison of Anjar in the Bekaa where all the Lebanese prisoners converge from the South, Beirut, and the North of Lebanon before being transferred to prisons across the border in Syria.

The prison at Anjar was originally a stable that was confiscated by the Syrians when they invaded Lebanon: they transformed it into a penitentiary without making any changes to it except for the room where the horses were shoed which they converted it into a torture room decorating it with the most horrible and dreadful instruments of torture. Anjar’s penitentiary is not very big because, as I mentioned earlier, it is a gathering place for detainees who are then either released and on their way home, or are transferred to the horrific prisons of Syria across the border.

The Anjar penitentiary is under the personal direction of the head of the Syrian Mukhabarat in Lebanon, General Ghazi Kanaan, and his deputy, Major Adnan Balloul nicknamed “the ferocious beast”. They are both assisted by the chief of the Anjar prison guards, Lieutenant Sleiman Salameh, who leads the throng of Alawi investigators always thirsting for Lebanese blood.

At Anjar they lined us up against a wall and took the bags off ours heads so that General Ghazi Kanaan can see our faces up close. In effect, he got close to us and every time he looked into a face he would ask: “Who is this one?”, and a Mukhabarat agent would answer with a list of names in hand: “This is so-and-so.”

Kanaan inspected us for about fifteen minutes then made this political speech: “Anyone who says anything against Syria will be skinned alive (the expression “to skin alive” is one the Syrians use frequently.) We will presently send you to Syria where we will continue our investigation and I advise you to tell all in order to shorten your suffering. Otherwise, you will never see your parents again in Lebanon…”

Kanaan said many things, but I do not remember all of the things he said since it happened a while ago. I remember, though, that one of the detainees tried to answer but a Syrian Mukhabarat officer hit him repeatedly with his rifle butt. Then they replaced the bags over our heads and put us back on the truck that took us to Syria.

“Whoever enters it is doomed, and whoever leaves it is reborn.” That is the slogan inscribed at Mazze prison and in the investigation centers of the Palestinian branches of the Syrian military intelligence services. This prison is the reception center for the Lebanese. Thousands of them have entered it but their traces have disappeared.

There were nine of us from different regions of Lebanon to leave the truck. They took the bags off our heads and put us in line one behind the other. We were received by the Syrian Colonel Mounir Abrass, the head of intelligence in the Palestine Section. Around him were twenty some soldiers with batons and whips who were staring at us with eyes full of hate as if we were long time enemies or Israeli soldiers. When the truck and its escort car left, Abrass’s men stood around us and immediately began to beat us, shouting insults like: “we are going to fuck your dignity and humiliate you. We will step with our boots on the greatest of the Lebanese …”, followed by a stream of swearing that displayed a deep hatred for all that is Lebanese, as if the Lebanese were insects that needed to be eliminated for the glory and survival of Syria…

The beating session ended and we were assembled in the courtyard bleeding from all over. It was night and the cold was unbearable in Damascus. I will never forget that night. We appealed to all the saints and prophets imploring their mercy but to no avail. Ferocious wolves show more compassion towards their victims than the Syrian guards. A few moments later, they drenched us with very cold water. Maybe they wanted to wash us, I do not know. But after spending years at Mazze I came to know that that was the reception accorded to all the new detainees, especially when it is a large group like ours.

Then they replaced the bags over our heads to lead us to the solitary cells located 40 meters (approx. 44 yards) under the ground and measuring 80 cm (2.7 ft) wide by 180 cm (5.9 ft) long. The detainee cannot fully stand up. The doors were made out of steel and they gave us what they called “food” through a slot that the guards opened from outside.

It was the head of the Palestine Section, Colonel Mazhar Fares and his group who lead my investigation. Every day they took me from my cell to the investigation area with my head covered with the black bag. Once in the investigation room they removed the bag off my head and I found Fares in a chair, either smoking a cigar or sipping coffee with guards around him. He would usually start off with an abundant stream of swears directed at the Lebanese, accusing us of collaborating with Israel. Then, and without any warning, the blows would start pouring down.

There are no words to describe how much I suffered in that Syrian prison:

  • They whipped me with what is called a “bull’s tail” whip, which is a terrible instrument of torture.
  • They pulled off my fingernails and toenails.
  • They hit me in on my genital area and inserted sharp objects in my anus.
  • They gave me electric shocks on my nose, ears, and throat.
  • They burned me with cigars and cigarettes.
  • They put me on the “German chair” (A metal chair with moving parts that cause an extreme extension of the spinal column, which leads to quasi-asphyxiation and sometimes the fracture of the vertebrae and a paralysis of the lower limbs)
  • They hung me on a tire
  • They hung me to a hoist for nine days with my head covered.
  • They put salt on my wounds and I screamed and suffered till I lost consciousness. I would regain consciousness when they would wake me up with a spray of cold water, and then to start beating me again.

The investigation period lasted for 150 days that I spent in solitary confinement in my cell – or “tomb” as the detainees would call it. I would eat what they gave me with my hands like the animals we see in movies. I did not know what I was given to eat but I was able to identify breadcrumbs and some olives.

Sometimes, in a state of exhaustion, I would sleep for long hours and I would defecate and urinate in my raggedy clothes.

I will never forget the chief of the Mazze prison, Captain Bassam Hassan who weighed 150 kilos (330 pounds). He would pounce on me like a beast to beat what was left of my body. I learned later from old prisoners that they (the Syrians) learned sophisticated methods of torture from movies they watched.

Many Lebanese prisoners died at Mazze under the torture inflicted by captain Bassam Hassan and his hangmen who numbered 14 and of whom I recall Salah Zoghbi, Abdel Razzaq Halabi, Bassam Mustapha, Hissam Succar, and Muhammad Mufleh, in addition to a number of assistants and soldiers whom we called “the guards”.

Finally, they forced me to sign a written statement whose contents I did not know.

Then I was allowed to take a bath. They shaved my head and gave me clothes similar to a Syrian soldiers’ uniform. Later, one of the guards told me: “We gave you a new name which will be your name until you get out of here. Be careful not to use your real name in front of other prisoners. You must completely forget it, otherwise we will send you back to the tomb, understood?”

Swapping my name for another meant that I did not exist for the Syrian authorities and that I never entered a Syrian prison. It is actually the case for all Lebanese prisoners in Syrian jails whose parents search in vain for information about them because they do not exist on the lists of detainees. The Syrian authorities have to be forced to reveal their true names.

I was then transferred to a bigger cell with a number of young Lebanese and Jordanian men, all accused of threatening Syrian security! We were approximately 25 prisoners and the subterranean cell was not bigger than 12 square meters (39 sq ft). In the summer we suffocated from the heat and humidity, and in winter we shivered from the cold. And from time to time, they remembered us with a torture session so we do not forget where we are.

Nighttime at Mazze is a terrifying experience, so horrific that no horror movie can match it: Absolute silence punctuated with gut-wrenching screams and howls of pain that take one’s breath away as the electric torture sessions or other civilized methods employed by the Syrian Mukhabarat. After an occasional pause, the cries and howls resume even more terrifying than before, and on through the night! My God, we asked ourselves, will this night ever end? During those moments, Moslem prisoners would quietly utter the Allah Akbar (God is Great) chant while the Christians among us would pray to the Holy Virgin even more quietly! My God! Will this night ever end?

I later learned that my parents tried to reach the prison after bribing a Syrian officer and locating my whereabouts. They reported to the prison gate but the warden Bassam Hassan constantly refused to admit to the presence of Lebanese detainees all the while trying, with his assistants, to extort money from the detainees’ parents with the collaboration of Syrian Mukhabarat agents in Lebanon, starting with Ghazi Kanaan, Rustom Ghazaleh, and Adnan Balloul.

There were about 150 Lebanese detainees at Mazze, yet our jailers refused to admit to the presence of a single Lebanese. They even forced us to talk with a Syrian accent to eliminate any trace of us.

There were no medical services in the Syrian prisons and no judicial process for most of the detainees.  As for the court that heard the cases of some of the Lebanese, it was the “Third Field Court of the Syrian Expeditionary Force occupying Lebanon”, which means that the Syrian Army in fact applied Martial Law on the Lebanese even as the collaborator regime in Beirut claimed to be a sovereign government! What a shame!

Our daily diet consisted of potatoes, olives, ground wheat and cauliflower. We spent the time crying, exchanging stories from the country and listening to new stories brought in by the new detainees as we dressed their injuries with water and pieces of fabric ripped from the uniforms left behind by the released detainees. We were handled by Syrian army deserters who were serving their prison sentence in one of the wings of the Mazze compound. We called them the Deserters.

As to the deathly ill they were sent to Al-Muassat Hospital located close to the prison and where the Military Police stood guard. One time, one of the detainees died among us from severe torture because he was accused of collaborating with the Lebanese Forces. After an electric torture session, they sent him back to solitary confinement. But realizing that he was dying they brought him back to us in the large cell as he was turning blue and drooling, with blood oozing out of his ears and nose. We told the jailers that he was dying and that there was nothing we could do for him, and they replied: “Let him die. May God never bring him back to life! May God take you all as well!”

We tried to resuscitate him by massaging him and wiping his face with water, but he soon started to pant and in one last burst and virtually unconscious, he looked at us and gave us a sad smile and died. We started yelling for our jailers for help. When we told them that he had died, they started insulting us and then came in and took him to Al-Muassat Hospital, but it was already too late. We later learned that he joined the long list of Lebanese buried in mass graves near the prison where the Syrian Special Forces stood guard to prevent anyone from getting near without special permission.

The ordeal at Mazze prison pales in comparison to the prisons at Sabeh-Bahrat in Damascus, of the Syrian Air Force Intelligence Services, or that of Palmyra where starving dogs are used to terrorize the prisoners and death row inmates are impaled. Snakes and rats are used during torture sessions, in addition to other hair-raising methods of horror movie vintage.

Of the stories of Mazze, where I spent five years of my life, is the story of the former Lebanese Member of Parliament, the late Dr. Farid Serhal, who was imprisoned in 1989 after being kidnapped by the Syrians. In addition to light beatings, they forced him to clean the toilets and mop the floors in order to humiliate him because he was once a candidate for the Presidency in Lebanon. They called him “the dog”.

As for Butros Khawand (Phalange Party member who was kidnapped in the early 1990s), he was at Wing 601 in Mazze. He had become skin and bones because of humiliation and torture.

I will never forget the torture inflicted by the Syrian jailers on a young Lebanese soldier they accused of having fought against the Syrian occupation: They crucified him on a big wooden cross – because he was Christian, said Captain Bassam Hassan – then they forced him to run in a circle while beating him like a horse, then they hoisted up his cross and left him out in the sun for nine days. He was bleeding from his mouth, ears and everywhere else.

When Bassel Assad (son of Syrian president Hafez Assad) died, our torturers attacked us like furious bulls. They beat us and left us without food for one whole week because they thought we were happy for his death!

After spending five years in prison without a sentence like all the Lebanese detainees here, and in response to friendly interventions, they decided to let me go. They transported me in a truck to Anjar where I was made to sit on the floor waiting for General Ghazi Kanaan who told me upon his arrival: “I hope you learned your lesson and I warn you that next time I will grind your flesh and bones, and you and those who support you must know that you will always live under our boots and no matter what you do, your destiny is Syria.”

Then they transferred me to Anjar prison where Adnan Balloul and his jailers received me with a flurry of goodbye blows while waiting to deliver me to the Lebanese intelligence services that are under their control. And again, as if all the torture of the past five years was not enough for them, they savagely beat me. I will never forget the chief of the torturers at Anjar, Captain Sleiman Salameh. All those who went through this prison agree that he is the most brutal man on earth.

The collaborator Lebanese intelligence services took custody of me at ten in the evening. The head of the Investigations Service at the Lebanese Defense Ministry’s holding center, Imad Kaakur, immediately beat me under pretense of carrying out an investigation. I told him: “Five years of torture in Syria are not enough? What more do you want from me? I forgot how to speak Lebanese. I even forgot the names of my parents. What more do you want from me?”

My words were useless because he wanted to hit me and draw up a written investigation statement in order to present it to his superior, collaborator Jamil Es-Sayyed. They forced me to put my fingerprint on a blank piece of paper, then transferred me to the Military Police prison at Noura Palace where I spent three days before the intervention of a collaborator Lebanese politician who told them: “Five years in Syria are enough to discipline him. What else do you want? He is no more than a shadow of a man…”

And just like that, I was freed.

I would like to point out that Hussein Taliss, the escaped prisoner from the Lebanese prison of Rumieh and who is accused of the murder of the French Military Attaché in Hazmieh (Beirut suburb), of the assassination attempt on the late President Camille Chamoun, and of dozens of car bombings in East-Beirut, is one of the main investigators at Mazze and the one in charge of the Lebanese prisoners. He enlisted in the Syrian Mukhabarat – Lebanon Section – and is in charge of the execution of major Syrian security operations in Lebanon. It is said that he is behind many crimes. He lives with his family in Damascus in the Abu Remmaneh neighborhood under an assumed name.

The Right-Wing Media Allow Trump's Kleptocracy to Illegally Make 1$ Billion a Month

You Won’t Believe How Much Richer the Trumps Have Gotten This Year

Nicolle Wallace had Scott Galloway on her MSNBC show Thursday. She began by asking him what he makes of this moment in which we find ourselves. Galloway, a business professor and popular podcaster, could have zigged in any number of directions with that open-ended question, so I was interested to see the direction he settled on: “I think we essentially have become a kleptocracy that would make Putin blush. I mean, keep in mind that in the first three months, the Trump family has become $3 billion wealthier, so that’s a billion dollars a month.”

Stop and think about that. A presidency lasts, of course, 48 months (at most, we hope). Trump has been enriching himself at an unprecedented scale since day one of his second term—actually, since just before, given that he announced the $Trump meme coin a few days before swearing to protect and defend the Constitution.

And now, we know that he’s having a dinner at Mar-a-Lago in two weeks for his top $Trump investors, whose identities we may never know. How might these people influence his decisions? This whole arrangement is blatantly corrupt. And The New York Times had a terrific report this week about Don Jr. and Eric going around the world (Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia) making deals from which their father will profit.

I read these stories, as I’m sure you do, and I think to myself: How on earth is he getting away with this? It’s the right question, but we usually concentrate on the wrong answer.

For most people, they think first of the Democrats, because they’re the opposition, and by the traditions of our system they’re the ones who are supposed to stop this, or at least raise hell about it. Second, we might think about congressional Republicans, who, if they were actually upholding their own oaths to the Constitution, would be expressing alarm about this.

They both shoulder some blame, but neither of those is really the answer. Every time I ask myself how he gets away with this, I remember: Oh, right. It’s the right-wing media. Duh.

After the election, I wrote a column that went viral about how the right-wing media made Trump’s election possible. Fox News, most conspicuously, but also Newsmax, One America News Network, Sinclair, and the rest, along with the swarm of right-wing podcasters and TikTokers, created a media environment in which Trump could do no wrong and Kamala Harris no right.

Think back—I know you’ve repressed it—to that horror-clown-show Madison Square Garden rally Trump held the week before the election. It was, as the Times put it, a “carnival of grievances, misogyny, and racism.” A generation or two ago, that would have finished off his campaign. Last year? It made no difference. No—it helped. And it helped because a vast propaganda network—armed with press passes and First Amendment protections—spent a week gabbing about how cool and manly it was.

Newsflash: They’re still at it.

First of all, Fox News is basically the megaphone of the Trump administration. In Trump’s first 100 days in office, key administration officials, reports Media Matters for America, appeared on Fox 536 times. That, obviously, is 5.36 times per day; in other words, assuming that a cable news “day” runs from 6 a.m. to midnight, that’s one administration official about every three hours. I’ve seen occasional clips where the odd host challenges them on this point or that, but in essence, this is a propaganda parade.

I tried to do some googling to see how Fox is covering the meme coin scandal. Admitting that Google doesn’t catch everything, the answer seems to be that it’s not. On the network’s website, there was a bland January 18 article reporting that he’d launched it; an actually interesting January 22 piece summarizing a critical column by The Washington Post’s Catherine Rampell, who charged that it was an invitation to bribery; and finally, an April 24 report that the coin surged in value after Trump announced the upcoming dinner—“critics” were given two paragraphs, deep in the article. (Interesting side note: Predictably, other figures on the far right have aped Trump by launching their own coins, among them former Proud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio and “QAnon Shaman” Jacob Chansley.)

But it’s not just Fox, and it’s not just on corruption. It’s all of them, and it’s on everything. You think any of them are mentioning Trump’s campaign promise to bring prices down on day one, or pointing out that all “persons” in the United States have a right to due process? Or criticizing his shambolic tariffs policies? I’m not saying there’s never criticism. There is. But the thrust of the coverage is protective and defensive: “Expert Failure & the Trump Boom” was the theme of one recent Laura Ingraham segment.

So sure, blame Democrats to some extent. A number of them are increasingly trying to bring attention to the corruption story, but there’s always more they could be doing. (By the way, new DNC Chair Ken Martin announced the creation one month ago of a new “People’s Cabinet” to push back hard against Trump. Anybody heard of it since?)

And of course, blame congressional Republicans. Their constitutional, ethical, and moral failures are beyond the pale, and they’re all cowards.

But neither of those groups is the reason Trump can throw a meme coin party and nothing happens; can send legal U.S. residents to brutal El Salvador prisons; can detain students for weeks because they wrote one pro-Palestinian op-ed; can shake down universities and law firms; can roil the markets with his idiotic about-faces on tariffs; can whine that bringing down prices is harder than he thought; can empower his largest donor, the richest man in the world, to take a meat-ax to the bureaucracy in a way that makes no sense to anyone, and so much more.

It’s all because Trump and his team operate within the protective cocoon of a media-disinformation environment that allows just enough criticism to retain “credibility” but essentially functions as a Ministry of Truth for the administration that would have shocked Orwell himself.

And just remember—a billion dollars a month.

 

Saturday, May 10, 2025

Zionist-stressed Columbia U Continues its pro-Apartheid, Anti-Palestine Repression

Zionist-stressed, Donald Dumb-extorted Columbia University continues its repression of Justice-for-Palestine students

Columbia University has temporarily suspended 65 students after Justice-for-Palestine students took over a campus building and handed out pamphlets protesting the ongoing genocide perpetrated by Israel in Palestine.

The protesters peacefully walked into Columbia University's Butler Library on Wednesday evening and according to the NYPD, 80 arrests were made, with 19 males and 61 females being taken into custody by police. Seventy-eight of those individuals were issued a desk appearance ticket for criminal trespass, and the other two arrested protesters were issued a summons.

Homeland Security Investigations is requesting fingerprints and the names of those arrested to check their visa status. In addition to the student suspensions, Zionist-stressed Columbia University has also barred an unspecified number of alumni from campus, and 33 others from affiliated institutions.

At the time when pro-Palestine protesters peacefully walked into the library, students were studying for final exams. Protesters were chanting "Free Palestine" and demanding that the university divest from apartheid Israel like it did divest from apartheid South Africa in the 1990s.


Justice-for-Palestine protesters peacefully walk into a Columbia University library in New York City on Wednesday, May 7, 2025, to demonstrate their opposition to the genocide and ethnic cleansing being carried out by Zionist extremists in occupied Palestine.

"At the original Popular University project in the West Bank, Basel al-Araj taught about  Palestinian resistance and insisted that knowledge must serve liberation, not empire," reads the pamphlet posted by CU Apartheid Divest. "Today, we teach each other the stories our universities refuse to tell. We feed each other, protect each other, learn with and from each other. The Popular University is not only a demand for divestment."

Included in the pamphlets is a list of demands, which include divestment from Israel, "Cops and ICE off our campus", and amnesty for all Columbia University members facing discipline.

Meanwhile, Maggie Gyllenhaal and Peter Sarsgaard’s daughter Ramona, 18, is one of those students arrested during the Justice-for-Palestine protests at Columbia University.


Maggie Gyllenhaal and Peter Sarsgaard’s daughter Ramona

The 18-year-old, who is a student at Columbia College, was issued a written notice to appear in court for criminal trespassing, according to the sources. Ramona was among a group of nearly 80 people who peacefully walked through the university’s Butler Library Wednesday evening as students prepared for final exams.

Prominent member of the US White House Fascist Politburo, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, issued a threat to revoke the visa status of foreign student protesters at Columbia University’s library. He wouldn't say what he'll do with US citizen student protesters, and more to the point what he'll do with US-born Jewish Columbia students who have protested FOR a free Palestine, declared that there is no antisemitism on their campus and that this charge is made up by the Zionist-led Trump regime to justify its persecution of Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims and other American minorities
who are protesting the genocide perpetrated by Zionist extremist settlers in Palestine. The Trump dictatorship is in fact seeking to suspend Habeas Corpus, the constitutional right of any individual to challenge his or her unlawful detention. Habeas Corpus stands in the way of the Banana Republic of dictator Trump to expedite the deportation of foreigners, visitors, students, and tourists who are racially non-white. As he rapes the US and tries to "bleach" it of dark people, Trump doesn't recognize that only Congress has the authority to suspend this right under specific circumstances.

It is easy for the Fascist Trump regime to target foreigners and immigrants because it can expel them for any made-up reason, but it is not easy to prosecute Jewish and/or American students on the charge that they are antisemites! There is no such thing as an antisemitic Jew. But still, the US dictator Donald Dumb has threatened to deport US citizens who are Palestine sympathizers to lovely prisons in Libya, Rwanda, and El Salvador.

Neither Gyllenhaal, 47, nor Peter, 54, has issued a comment regarding their daughter's arrest. The actress, who is Jake Gyllenhaal’s older sister, has said in the past that she identifies as Jewish, even though she does not “have a Jewish name and nobody would ever know."

In its desperate eagerness to comply with the dictator's demands, Columbia University is also cracking down on free speech: The school tried to suspend four student journalists who covered the pro-Palestine protest at Butler Library.

Columbia College and Barnard College issued interim suspensions to one reporter at the Spectator and three student journalists at WKCR, the student-run radio station that has provided consistent on-the-ground coverage of the student demonstrations at the university—including the massive raid by police at the Gaza solidarity protest in Hamilton Hall last year.

Disciplinary emails obtained by the Spectator cited “information received” from Public Safety, which indicated that Sawyer Huckabee (class of 2026), Natalie Lahr (class of 2028), Celeste Gamble (class of 2027), and Spectator reporter Luisa Sukkar (class of 2026) had been involved in the demonstration in the Lawrence A. Wien Reading Room at Butler Library Wednesday afternoon. However, the student journalists at WCKR wore prominently displayed press placards and Huckabee identified herself as a journalist to public safety officers before leaving the building, the Spectator reported.

New York City Police were dispatched to the university, and 78 students were arrested.

In an email to alumni Wednesday, Acting President Claire Shipman, a Donald Dumb compliant shill, touted a commitment to free speech while admitting that the university had called the police on its own students. Shipman also made the disturbing move of blaming the protesters for the targeting of its international students.

“I am deeply disturbed at the idea that, at a moment when our international community feels particularly vulnerable, a small group of students would choose to make our institution a target,” Shipman wrote.

But it’s the institution, not the students, that has refused to shield its own community from the Trump administration’s immigration and free speech crackdown. After Donald Trump rescinded $400 million in federal funding, the university administration agreed to the president’s outrageous demands for a complete overhaul of the school’s protest policies, as well as the adoption of a new definition of antisemitism, among several other concessions that severely undermined academic independence from the federal government.

 

US Agriculture Business on Edge of Abyss due to Tariffs

Highlights of Donald Dumb's Tariffs Impacts on US farming and agriculture:

No farm hands - all US pickers of fruits and vegetables are undocumented workers now deported and living in hiding and in fear. Farmers fear for their crops and will increase their prices on the domestic market.

Imports of tariff-burdened fertilizers halted.

Other countries like Brazil benefitting by replacing US in international trade

US-manufactured farm machinery (tractors etc.): Increased their prices to compensate tariffs, causing sales to farmers to crash.

Increased Chinese demand and higher export prices for South American beef. 

Meanwhile, Donald Dumb's family businesses are booming across the world.
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U.S. farm economy is starting to see first hits from Trump tariffs
Gerson Freitas Jr.
Fri, May 9, 2025


Farmworkers harvest lettuce in Brawley, Calif., on Dec. 10. The U.S. farm economy has been squeezed by President Trump's tariffs. (Sandy Huffaker / AFP / Getty Images)

President Trump’s tariffs are upending crop trading, delaying tractor purchases and constraining imports of chemical supplies into the United States.

That’s the main message from big agricultural businesses as they report their quarterly earnings, giving an early glimpse into the far-reaching impacts of the U.S. president’s trade war.

The disruptions in global trade threaten to extend a years-long slump in the U.S. farm industry, which had already been struggling with ample supplies, depressed crop prices and rising competition from Brazil. Lack of clarity on how the Trump administration will address much-needed incentives for crop-based fuels in the next few years has added to concerns.

Crop traders and processors have been among the hardest-hit. Archer-Daniels-Midland Co. and Bunge Global SA saw their combined operating profits slump by about $750 million in the first quarter, with both companies citing an impact from trade and biofuel policy uncertainty.

Importers put off purchases of U.S. grain and oilseeds as Trump threatened tariffs as well as levies on any Chinese vessels docking at American ports, reducing trade flows, according to crop merchant the Andersons.

“Global trade uncertainties disrupted typical grain flows and caused many of our commercial customers to focus on just-in-time purchasing,” William Krueger, the Andersons' chief executive, said Wednesday in a call with investors.

Tractor makers CNH Industrial NV and AGCO Corp. also reported lower first-quarter sales, and warned of the possibility of reduced demand for farmers, potentially giving them less to spend on machines to plant, harvest and treat their fields. Both companies have raised prices to ease the impact of tariffs on costs.

“Geopolitical uncertainties and trade frictions have dampened U.S. farmer sentiment recently,” AGCO CEO Eric Hansotia said during a conference call with analysts. “As a result, demand for machinery was lower in the quarter than we had expected.”

Duties also threaten to curb imports of some fertilizer and pesticide supplies. Shipments of phosphate — a key crop nourishing ingredient — into the U.S. have trailed last year’s levels because vessels have been diverted to other countries to avoid the nation’s 10% tariff, Mosaic Co. said in its earnings statement.

“The phosphate market remains tight, and while tariffs could disrupt trade flows, they cannot create more phosphate supply,” CEO Bruce Bodine said on a conference call with investors.

Farmers are expected to pay more for pesticides as the U.S. relies on tariff-hit countries such as China and India for some of its supplies. Nutrien Ltd. said its branded products could potentially cost as much as 7.5% more, with even higher adjustments expected for generic ingredients.

“Long story short is, we’re going to see price increases,” Jeff Tarsi, Nutrien’s president of global retail, said on a Thursday call. “Our plan is to pass those price increases through to our customers.

Brazil is emerging as a winner from the trade tensions. Minerva SA said tariff turmoil drove increased Chinese demand and higher export prices for South American beef in the first quarter, helping lift profits for the Brazilian supplier. Meanwhile, China has effectively shut its market for U.S. meat exporters, including Smithfield Foods.

China, the world’s largest commodity importer, has already shifted to Brazil for a meaningful part of its soybean needs since Trump first raised tariffs on goods from the Asian nation in 2018.

“Any harmful impacts to the U.S. grower profitability stemming from tariffs and trade flow shifts” are likely to benefit Brazilian growers, Jenny Wang, executive vice president of commercial at Mosaic, said in the call with analysts.

Freitas writes for Bloomberg.


Friday, May 9, 2025

"Israel's" Darkness in the Near East, Continued!

What I find insidiously fascinating about the few Israelis who occasionally display sudden bursts of "morality" vis-a-vis the indigenous Palestinians, whose lands they coercively stole and settled, is that they always place the beginnings of such bursts some time after 1947-1948. The occasional abyss of immorality that they claim to be courageously exposing is never traced back to earlier periods.

All the killings and ethnic cleansing of the indigenous Palestinian owners of the land from the river to the sea, that effectively created the artificial state of Israel, are swept under the rug and ignored. Which is understandable, because to poke through that veil questions the very existence of the "Jewish" state and exposes its colonial nature. But anything after 1948 is treated as if the Jewish colony had always existed in a sublime fog of peace and love in idyllic kibbutzim that were greening the desert, and that it "suddenly" found itself having to deal with the annoying fate of millions of indigenous Palestinian refugees who appeared by spontaneous generation - like a Yahweh-cast plague - to ruin the Cote d'Azur-like fantasy of the Jewish Disneyland on the Mediterranean.

Below is one example:  Gershom Gorenberg seems to have such a burst of moral angst at what Netanyahu is doing to the native indigenous Palestinian population. Yet, his own last name, "strangely" enough, does seem to trace him back, not to Palestine, but to somewhere in the vast wildernesses of Central and Eastern Europe whence his parents or grandparents came to rape, kill, expel and settle. I guess we should not poke at the veil, and we should only be grateful at the occasional Israeli who dares confront the vicissitudes of having to defend the indefensible. But the nagging question that sits in the mind of everyone around the world will not go away, that of Israel's original sin: Isn't it deeply anachronistic to claim to "return" after 3,000 years to a fictional promised land mentioned in Bronze Age religious garbage writings? And in the process, to annihilate and exterminate those who have lived there during all these centuries and blame those of them who keep trying to find some justice?

Thank you, though, Gershom. At least, it's a tiny drop of nectar in an ocean of a bitter primordial soup of sheer violence and inhumanity.

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Israel Plunges Into Darkness

What Netanyahu describes as impending victory is a dive into the morass.

By Gershom Gorenberg


Omar Al-Qattaa / AFP / Getty

May 9, 2025

After 19 months of war in Gaza, the Israeli government has decided to march deeper into the quagmire.

Israel has announced its intention to take and retain a significant part of the Gaza Strip. Call-up orders are going out to tens of thousands of already exhausted reservists. The battered, hungry population of Gaza is to be forced into an even smaller part of the narrow enclave. The lives of the remaining Israeli hostages are in greater danger than ever.

The plan came with a caveat: The escalation will reportedly not start until the end of U.S. President Donald Trump’s tour of the region next week, allowing for the possibility of a new hostage deal. But reports of an impending deal have become such a constant background murmur that few observers count on a diplomatic breakthrough to head off the new operation.

“We will achieve full, absolute victory in Gaza,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in Hebrew in a social-media clip just before the decision Sunday night by the security cabinet—the committee of senior ministers responsible for military affairs. “We are in the stages of victory,” Netanyahu added. Or, to paraphrase in American English: We can see the light at the end of the tunnel.

For this Israeli, as for many others, the escalation is a promise to plunge deeper into darkness, militarily and morally.

The Israeli army will seek to take and hold more territory in Gaza and to “destroy all terror infrastructure, above- and belowground,” a government spokesperson said Monday. “Belowground” refers to Hamas’s tunnel network, which has bedeviled the Israeli army since the war began. What will be left standing aboveground remains to be seen.

The spokesperson, David Mencer, said that the objective was both to “return the hostages”—the 59 captives, alive and dead, still in Gaza—and to defeat Hamas. But Netanyahu made the order of his priorities clear in a controversial speech last week: Freeing the hostages was “an important goal,” he said, but the “supreme goal” was victory over Hamas. Or, as he put it in another clip for his social-media followers this week, to drive Hamas “from the face of the Earth.”

Netanyahu has made this overambitious promise—of “absolute” triumph over Hamas—since early in the war, and has repeatedly said that it is around the corner. But total victory is a chimera. Reoccupying larger chunks of Gaza is unlikely to eliminate Hamas. Instead, it will expose Israel’s soldiers to a long war of attrition with the extreme Islamist organization. Hamas’s losses will mount, but this will not make the deaths on the Israeli side any easier to bear.

Israel’s military doctrine relies on mobilizing large numbers of civilians to fight short wars. This war is no longer short, and many reservists have spent more time in uniform than in civvies since October 7, 2023. They, their families, and their workplaces are very tired. Netanyahu’s government promises more exhaustion.

The Palestinian civilians of Gaza, of course, are much more exhausted and traumatized. In the name of protecting them, the Israeli army intends to order yet another evacuation, reportedly to a single “humanitarian zone” in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. Netanyahu said this week that the intention is for the army to continue to hold whatever territory it takes. Implicitly, then, Palestinian civilians won’t be returning until the promised day when Hamas is erased—and maybe not even then.

If permanent displacement is the government’s policy, the proper term for it is ethnic cleansing—a moral catastrophe.

And what will happen inside the “humanitarian zone”? The government reportedly has a plan for providing food aid via a largely unknown foundation and private security firms. Nothing has been reported about who will govern the area, provide health services, or enforce public order. If Israel were to try to impose a military government, soldiers would be under constant attack. Netanyahu has been unwilling to discuss proposals for creating a new Palestinian government in Gaza. Hamas is likely to fill the vacuum.

The security cabinet apparently paid little attention to this problem in setting its policy. It also reportedly ignored an explicit warning from the military chief of staff, General Eyal Zamir. “In the plan for a full-scale operation, we won’t necessarily reach the hostages,” Zamir told ministers in a preparatory session before Sunday’s decision, according to Israel’s Channel 13. “Keep in mind that we could lose them.”

As of now, Israel’s official count is that 21 hostages are still alive, the fate of three is unknown, and Hamas is holding the bodies of 35. Netanyahu insists that military pressure is the only way to save the remaining living hostages. But no hostages have been found or released since fighting resumed in March. A New York Times investigation concluded that 41 hostages have died in captivity since the war began, including at least four who were killed in Israeli bombings and seven who were murdered by their captors to keep Israeli troops from rescuing them. Those dangers will only increase if the fighting intensifies.

The gap between the Israeli public and the government is most stark on the hostage issue. A recent poll found that more than two-thirds of Israelis see saving the hostages as the most important goal in the war, compared with one-quarter who say that toppling Hamas is most important. Last month, nearly 1,000 current and former Air Force reservists signed a public letter calling on the government to reach an agreement immediately with Hamas to release the hostages and end the war. That set off a wave of statements by reservists and veterans of other units.

So far, Netanyahu has refused to change course. To do so would mean admitting that his promise of absolute victory is hollow. It could spark a revolt by the two far-right parties in his coalition, and bring down his government.

It’s just possible, nonetheless, that Netanyahu will change his mind and finally respond to the fury and despair of his own people. Or that during his stops in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, the erratic American president will hear something to persuade him to tell Netanyahu to hold his fire. Or that Hamas and Israel will agree to one of the latest proposals for a renewed cease-fire and hostage deal.

But if such a deus ex machina does not appear, there’s every reason to fear that Israel will plunge deeper into the morass.

Gershom Gorenberg is an Israeli contributor to The Atlantic.